By binding the concept of reform so tightly to the consensus commission's existence, and suggesting that the commission's end would spell the end of reform itself, we have propagated a dangerous fiction: that meaningful reform requires suspending normal democratic politics and governing through unelected technocrats.
The sooner we embark on our mundane journey for democracy fraught with its own setbacks and disappointments, the more likely we will find the peace, stability, and economic justice we yearn
Politics is not a moral monastery. It’s a battlefield of imperfect allies and temporary truces. If the NCP keeps attacking everyone around it, soon it will have no one left to fight beside. Reform may begin with rebellion, but it survives through relationships. And without those, no revolution lasts long enough to write its own constitution.
We need to close loopholes for unilateral amendments to the Constitution, otherwise the July Charter will not be worth the paper it is written on
NCP’s hesitation is an act of political commitment to the people of Bangladesh. It seeks to ensure that Bangladesh’s long-awaited democratic transformation is not undone by legal fragility or political opportunism.
What many observers miss in the drama surrounding the NCP boycott is the fact that the July Charter still represents a significant step along the way to implementing lasting reforms to Bangladesh’s broken political system.
Unless we reach a consensus on key issues such as the July Charter and constitutional reforms, debating whether the elections should be held in February or April are meaningless. With consensus, February makes most sense. Without consensus even April may not happen.
